Appendix C

Phase 1 Archaeological Survey 
Phoebe Sumter Medical Center Hospital Relocation Project

Americus, Sumter County Georgia
August 2009

Prepared for: 
U.S. Department of Homeland Security 
Federal Emergency Management Agency, Region IV 
Atlanta, GA  30605
FEMA-1686-DR-GA  PW No. 193

Prepared by:
Paul Drummond
FEMA Historic Preservation Specialist/Archaeologist

Abstract

At the request of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security's Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), a FEMA Archaeologist conducted a Phase 1 Archaeological Survey of 11 acres in Americus, Sumter County, Georgia (Figure 1). The Phase 1 survey was completed to assist the Americus and Sumter County Hospital Authority (Authority/Applicant), and FEMA meet the regulatory obligations under Section 106 of the National Historic Preservation Act of 1966, as amended.

This project is an improved project: potential development of an unused 45-acre former farmland site to rebuild the Sumter Regional Hospital destroyed by a tornado March 2007.  This constitutes the project's Area of Potential Effects (APE) for the planned development. Before FEMA's involvement the Applicant completed a Phase 1 archaeological survey using qualified consultants for the northern 34 acres of the site.  This area covers the footprint of the proposed hospital buildings and parking areas for the project.  The main hospital driveway and associated landscaping is planned for the southern 11 acres of the site.  FEMA undertook the archaeological survey for the remaining 11 acre (4.45 hectare) area to complete the coverage of the 45-acre site. The purposes of both surveys were to determine the presence and extent of any archeological resources within the APE and make preliminary recommendations regarding the eligibility of these resources for listing on the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP).

Paul Drummond, a FEMA Historic Preservation Specialist and Archaeologist, excavated a total of 54 shovel test pits with no artifacts or features recovered. It is concluded that due to severe erosion and historical agricultural use at this property, the soils that are likely to contain cultural resources have been severely reduced.  Listing on the NRHP is not recommended.

Table of Contents

Page
Abstract	i
1.0 	Introduction	1
2.0 	Environmental Context	1
2.1	Georgia Coastal Plain Geology and Hydrogeology	1
2.2	Americus Area Geologic Units	6
2.3	Site Topography	6
2.4	Soils	6
2.5	Plant Communities and Wildlife	7
3.0 	Cultural Context	8
3.1 	Paleoindian Period	8
3.2 	Archaic Period	10
3.3 	Woodland Period	13
3.4 	Mississippian Period	15
3.5 	European Contact/Historic Period	18
3.6 	Americus History	21
3.7 	History of the Proposed Property	24
4.0 	Research Design	24
4.1 	Background Research	24
4.2 	Archaeological Field Methods	25
5.0 	Survey Results	26
5.1 	Soil Characteristics	26
6.0 	Conclusions and Recommendations	27
7.0 	References	28

Exhibit A	Report of Phase I Cultural Resources Reconnaissance of an Approximate 34-Acre Tract - Americus, Sumter County, Georgia, dated March 30, 2009

Exhibit B	Historical Aerial Photos of Proposed New Hospital Site


List of Figures
Page
Figure 1: Vicinity Map	2
Figure 2:  Properties Map - Phoebe Sumter Medical Center 
Proposed New Hospital Site	3
Figure 3:  Aerial Photo with Proposed New Hospital Plan	4
Figure 4:  Archaeological Survey of Proposed New Hospital Site	5
Figure 5:  Photo - View of Typical Dense Vegetation in North Unused Farmland New Growth Woodland (34-Acre) Area	7
Figure 6:  Photo - View of Typical Vegetation in South Unused Pecan Orchard (11-Acre) Area	8
Figure 7:  Photo - View of Exposed Subsoil Characteristics in the North and South Side of APE	26
Figure 8:  Photo - Typical Profile of Soil Test Pit (TH No. 5)	27

List of Tables
Table 1: Proposed New Hospital Site Soil Characteristics.....................7

1.0 	Introduction

The U.S. Department of Homeland Security's Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) conducted a Phase I Archaeological Survey of 11 acres in Americus, Sumter County, Georgia (Fig. 1).  The 11 acre property is located at the junction of U.S. Highways 19 and 280. The property is bordered on the south by U.S. Hwy. 280 West, on the north and west by vacant farmland and on the east by privately owned commercial land (Fig. 2).

This project is an improved project: potential development of an unused 45-acre former farmland site to rebuild the Sumter Regional Hospital destroyed by a tornado March 2007.  This constitutes the project's Area of Potential Effects (APE) for the planned development. Before FEMA's involvement the Applicant completed a Phase 1 archaeological survey using qualified consultants for the northern 34 acres of the site (Exhibit A).  This area covers the footprint of the proposed hospital buildings and parking areas for the project.  The main hospital driveway and associated landscaping is planned for the southern 11 acres of the site (Fig. 3).  FEMA undertook the archaeological survey for the remaining 11 acre (4.45 hectare) area to complete the coverage of the 45-acre site (Fig. 4). 

The purposes of both surveys were to determine the presence and extent of any archeological resources within the APE and make preliminary recommendations regarding the eligibility of these resources for listing on the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP).

2.0 	Environmental Context 

2.1	Georgia Coastal Plain Geology and Hydrogeology

The City of Americus is in the northern part of the Atlantic/Gulf Coastal Plain geomorphic/physiographic province, which covers Georgia's southern half. It consists of alluvial and sedimentary rock formations, from materials eroded from the igneous and metamorphic rocks of the older Blue Ridge and Piedmont Provinces to the north, and deposited since the Triassic Period 250 million years ago.  The oldest geologic units exposed in Georgia's Coastal Plain are in a strip south of the "Fall Line", across the middle of the state, and are from the Late Cretaceous period, about 100 to 65 million years ago.  

Americus and Sumter County are in the middle of the Fall Line Hills District of Georgia's Coastal Plain physiographic province.  The Fall Line Hills District is characterized with land that is highly dissected, with little level land except in the marshy floodplains and their better drained, narrow stream terraces.  Stream valleys are usually about 50 to 250 feet below adjacent ridge tops (DNR, 1976).

Figure 1:  Vicinity Map showing the location of Sumter County in Georgia and the City of Americus in Sumter County

Figure 2:  Properties Map - Phoebe Sumter Medical Center Proposed New Hospital Site showing the locations of the Former Sumter Regional Hospital, HealthPlex, and the Proposed New Hospital site.

Figure 3:  Aerial Photo with Proposed New Hospital Site Plan

Figure 4:  Archaeological Survey of Proposed New Hospital Site showing the survey transects conducted by trained archaeologists from March 2009 and August 2009.

2.2	Americus Area Geologic Units

Americus area geologic units at the surface are from the Late Eocene to Early Oligocene Epochs, deposited about 40 to 20 million years ago.  For the proposed property, Late Eocene units are in lower areas along Muckalee Creek. Early Oligocene units are in hillsides' higher elevations (Carter, 2009).  These units have been exposed to surface and near surface weathering processes for thousands of years, so local geologists usually define the units at surface as residuum (residues or residual soils) of the original deposits, now usually quartz grains and kaolin-type clays.

Limestone is rarely found in Late Eocene and Early Oligocene unit surface exposures, as limestone is made mostly of calcium carbonate and dissolves as naturally acidic rainwater percolates downward and groundwater flows through the units. Small to large residual chert boulders are commonly found in the Americus area's Early Oligocene units (Carter, 2009).

2.3	Site Topography
The proposed site is near the west side of Muckalee Creek.  Elevations range from 430 feet amsl near the middle of the 45-acre site to 375 feet amsl elevation at the northwest corner of the site (Figs. 2 and 3).  An unnamed intermittent stream/streambed starts at about the site's northwest corner.  Most of this site's surface water runoff drains into this streambed, which flows northeast, and drains into Muckalee Creek, which flows southeast.  

2.4	Soils

Soil associations have a distinctive and proportional pattern of soils, normally consisting of one or more types of soils. The following are soil descriptions from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) Natural Resources Conservation Service (NRCS, 2009).

Soils are two types: Lucy loamy sand and Orangeburg loamy sand showing soil characteristics for farmland, hydrologic-infiltration capacity, and capacity for commercial buildings (summarized in Table 1).

Table 1:  Proposed New Hospital Site Soil Characteristics
Map Unit Symbol
Percent of Area
Map Unit Name & 
Summary Description
Farmland Rating
Infiltration Drainage Rating
Building Rating

LMC
30
Lucy loamy sand
(central area of site)
Farmland of statewide importance
A - 
High Rate
Somewhat Limited
OeA OeB OeC2
70
Orangeburg loamy sand, 
0 -2 % slopes
Orangeburg loamy sand, 
2 - 5 % slopes
Orangeburg loamy sand, 
5 - 8 % slopes, eroded
Prime Farmland

Prime Farmland

Prime Farmland
B - 
Moderate Rate
Not Limited

Not Limited

Somewhat Limited

2.5	Plant Communities and Wildlife

The proposed site is primarily former farmland, now mostly secondary growth woodlands.   Based on review of historical aerial photos of the property, a majority of the land was used for productive farmland for many decades until about 1965.  During the last 40 or so years, typical mixed hardwood-pine secondary growth woodlands have covered most of the site.  As shown on Fig. 3, the north 34 acres of the 45-acre site contain the woodlands and the south 11 acres contain the old pecan orchard. Fig. 5 is a photo of typical overgrown wild woodland vegetation found in the north 34 acres.  Fig. 6 is a photo of the typical vegetation found in the old pecan orchard area.

Figure 5:  Photo - View of Typical Dense Vegetation in North Unused Farmland New Growth Woodland (34-Acre) Area

Figure 6:  Photo - View of Typical Vegetation in South Unused Pecan Orchard (11-Acre) Area

3.0 	Cultural Context
This section presents a summary of the prehistoric cultural development in the State of Georgia. All information is in this section is taken verbatim from the "New Georgia Encyclopedia," (georgiaencyclopedia.org, 2009). 

3.1 	Paleoindian Period 
The initial human settlement of Georgia took place during one of the most dramatic periods of climate change in recent earth history, toward the end of the Ice Age. Exactly when human beings first arrived is currently unknown, although people had to have been present 13,250 years ago: distinctive artifacts of the Clovis culture (so named from the New Mexico town of Clovis, where the characteristic stone projectile points with a central groove were first unearthed) have been found at a number of locations across the state. The late glacial southeastern environment these first peoples encountered was markedly different from today's environment. Sea levels were more than 200 feet lower than present levels, and the Atlantic Ocean and Gulf of Mexico shorelines were 100 or more miles seaward of their present locations. Global temperature was rising rapidly during the interval from 15,000 to 11,000 years ago, albeit with occasional sharp reverses, and the great continental ice sheets were retreating, causing the coastline to move rapidly inland. 
During this interval, massive extinctions of such animals as elephants, horses, camels, and other megafauna took place, and vegetational communities shifted location and composition in dramatic fashion. In north Georgia a spruce/pine boreal forest was replaced by northern hardwoods (oak, hickory, beech, birch, and elm), which in turn gave way to modern plant communities. Southern Georgia had an oak-hickory hardwood canopy that may have been in place throughout much of the previous glacial cycle. By the close of the Paleoindian Period, around 9000 or 8000 B.C., sea level was within a few meters of its present elevation, and climate and biota approached modern conditions. Only during the mid-Holocene, (ca. 6000-2000 B.C.), however, did southern pine communities and extensive riverine cypress swamps begin to emerge in the Coastal Plain. 
Paleoindian occupations in Georgia have been provisionally grouped into three subperiods: Early (ca. 11000-9000 B.C.), Middle (ca. 9000-8500 B.C.), and Late (ca. 8500-8000 B.C.). People may have been present before the Early Paleoindian subperiod, but identifiable remains have not been found in the state, and their recognition anywhere in America is still in its infancy. Archaeologists recognize sites dating to each subperiod primarily by the presence of distinctive projectile points found. The Early Paleoindian is characterized by Clovis and related projectile point forms, relatively large lanceolate (lance-shaped) points with nearly parallel sides, slightly concave bases, and single or multiple basal flake scars, or flutes, that rarely extend more than a third of the way up the body. 
The Middle Paleoindian features smaller fluted points, unfluted lanceolate points, and fluted or unfluted points with broad blades and constricted haft (handle) elements, such as the Simpson and possibly the Cumberland and Suwannee types. 
From the Late Paleoindian subperiod come Dalton and related point types, which are characterized by a lanceolate blade outline, at least in the earliest stages of tool life, and a concave base ground on the lateral and basal margins, occasionally well thinned. Blade edges are frequently serrated and beveled, indicating extensive resharpening. The three major subperiods presumably coincide with human populations, initially exploring and settling the region (Early Paleoindian), establishing regional population concentrations and cultural variants (Middle Paleoindian), and finally, adapting to modern conditions (Late Paleoindian). 
Most likely, Paleoindians moved over large areas, on foot or by water, in small bands of twenty-five to fifty people. Their group ranges centered on stone quarries, shoals, or other particularly desirable environmental features. Although it is known they were hunter-gatherers, it is not known whether their diet primarily consisted of large game animals or a wide array of plant and animal species. In some parts of the country these peoples targeted elephants and other large game, but no evidence for this has yet been found in Georgia. 
Early Paleoindian, Clovis culture groups are thought to have lived in central base camps for varying lengths of time. Once local resources were exhausted or depressed, they relocated to a new area, possibly quite some distance away. Several such moves may have occurred over the course of a year. Early Paleoindian toolkits have superbly made artifacts of chipped stone and carved bone-projectile points, scraping and engraving tools, cutting tools known to archaeologists as spokeshaves, and toward the end of the period, axlike adzes. Stone tools, particularly early in the period, were commonly made of the highest-quality materials. 
Over the course of the Paleoindian era, comparatively fixed base camps gave way to more mobile foraging, with people readily and repeatedly moving their camps as they exhausted the food supply in their immediate area. Later Paleoindian assemblages were dominated by numerous short-term camps and more expedient assemblages, composed of tools that were casually made, used, and discarded. Formal, curated tools were less common, as was the use of high-quality stone, unless it happened to outcrop locally. 

3.2 	Archaic Period 
The Archaic Period of Georgia prehistory lasted from   about 10,000 to 3,000 years ago. Archaeologists have divided this very long period into three main subperiods: Early, Middle, and Late. Each is distinguished by important changes in cultural traditions, which generally follow a trend toward increasing social complexity. 

Early Archaic
The Early Archaic Period in Georgia and elsewhere in the eastern United States was approximately 10,000 to 8,000 years ago. At that time most of Georgia was covered with oak-hickory hardwood forests. Large Pleistocene animals such as bison, horses, mastodons, mammoths, and camels had become extinct. 

Early Archaic people were hunters and gatherers who lived in small groups or "bands" of twenty to fifty people. They hunted white-tailed deer, black bear, turkey, and other large game animals and collected nuts, roots, fruits, seeds, and berries. They also caught or collected turtles, fish, shellfish, birds, and smaller mammals. Some of their foods were available only during certain seasons. Archaic bands probably moved around in search of seasonal foods, mates outside of their social group, and sources of stone from which they could make spear points and other tools. There is little archaeological evidence that they stored foods or stayed for long at one location. Their houses were small but provided simple shelter from the elements. The people built hearths for fires with which to keep warm and cook their food. 

The territory of an Early Archaic band in Georgia probably was not very large, although a few archaeologists believe it may have coincided with entire river valleys. Various bands probably congregated at certain locations at particular times of the year. There they could socialize, share food, and find mates. They could also exchange stone tools, foods, and other supplies unavailable in their own territory. 

Archaeologists identify Early Archaic sites by the presence of certain types of stone spear points that usually have notches on the bases. These notches were used to help tie or attach the stone points to a spear shaft that was probably made of wood. Sharp serrated edges on some spear points suggest that they were also used as knives, possibly for butchering game. Early Archaic people also made stone scrapers, which may have been used to prepare deer hides for tanning, as well as other stone tools that could have been used for carving wood or bone and processing plant foods. In Kentucky, Tennessee, and Florida they are known to have used tools made from organic materials, including bone points, atlatl hooks (for throwing javelins), barbed points, fish hooks, and pins; shell adzes; wooden stakes and canoes; and cloth and woven bags. These items have not been found, however, in Georgia. 

Middle Archaic
The Middle Archaic Period lasted from approximately 8,000 to 5,000 years ago. This was a time of changing climatic conditions in which the area may have become significantly drier and warmer than it is today. Pine forests would have expanded into areas previously dominated by oak and hickory. At this time hardwood forests may have receded farther north into the Piedmont and Blue Ridge regions. Gradually increasing populations of Native American people adapted to these environmental changes to create a distinct culture known as the Middle Archaic. 

Middle Archaic people are thought to have reduced the area of their territorial movement. The primary evidence of this change appears in flaked stone tools, which represent essentially the only remains of this prehistoric period in Georgia. Preserved organic material has rarely been recovered from excavated Middle Archaic sites in the state. For the most part, locally available sources of stone were used, which suggests that the people did not travel far and had limited exchange of goods with other geographic areas. For example, Middle Archaic stone tools in the Piedmont indicate a preference for locally available quartz to the near exclusion of cherts found in the northwestern or the Coastal Plain regions of Georgia. Artifact collections from Middle Archaic sites generally consist of tools including well-made projectile points, small- to medium-sized flake tools, ground stone tools, and chipped stone debris. The rather low diversity of projectile point styles in the Middle Archaic Period suggests that many tasks were being performed with easily produced flake tools. 

In the Piedmont, Middle Archaic sites are frequently found in such upland settings as ridge crests. In other parts of Georgia, sites from this period appear less frequently but those sites occur in more varied locations. Hunting and gathering continued as the primary way of life through the Middle Archaic, with few drastic changes from the preceding period. Middle Archaic people probably relied on more locally available resources. Shelters were probably insubstantial in construction and temporary in nature. At present, there is no evidence of long-term habitation sites in Middle Archaic Georgia. 

Late Archaic
The Late Archaic Period lasted from about 5,000 to 3,000 years ago. At this time native societies grew and the people traveled long distances to trade for exotic goods. Their territories shrank in size, and some built more permanent settlements. Although certain of these traits appeared earlier, they were well established by the Late Archaic Period. Artifacts associated with this period include large stone knives, darts, and spear points with stemmed hafts, cooking slabs made of soapstone (a soft stone that retains heat well), fiber-tempered pottery vessels, and soapstone vessels. Late Archaic tool kits included atlatl weights, grooved stone axes, metates (or grinding slabs), and stone drills. The people lived in permanent houses, including shallow, oval-pit houses and larger sub-rectangular wattle-and-daub dwellings. 

Settlements in the Late Archaic Period were often near rivers. Their taste for freshwater shellfish is indicated by their creation of large shell middens (trash heaps). The premier example of an Archaic shell midden is the Stallings Island site on the Savannah River near Augusta. Late Archaic people disposed of their dead by cremation and burial, and it is during this period that we see the first evidence of mound construction in North America. As the landscape of Georgia filled with people, there was less territorial range for individual groups. They developed new social mechanisms for establishing relationships with neighboring groups. 
Many clues to Late Archaic society are revealed in the evolution of cooking technology. Late Archaic pottery from the Savannah River valley from as early as 4,500 years ago is the oldest in North America and among the oldest in the world. About 3,500 years ago soapstone bowls manufactured at dozens of quarries in northern Georgia were traded across hundreds of miles. Some found their way as far west as the central Mississippi River valley and as far south as the Florida Keys. Many of the cultural traits possessed by later Indian groups in the Southeast had their origin in the Archaic Period. 

3.3 	Woodland Period
The Woodland Period of Georgia prehistory is broadly dated from around 1000 B.C. to A.D. 900. This period witnessed the development of many trends that began during the preceding Late Archaic Period (3000-1000 B.C.) and reached a climax during the subsequent Mississippian Period (A.D. 800-1600). These trends included increases in sedentariness and social stratification, an elaboration of ritual and ceremony, and an intensification of horticulture. The period is divided into Early, Middle, and Late subperiods. 

Early Woodland
The Early Woodland subperiod, 1000-300 B.C., is marked by a continuation of many of the innovations that began during the preceding Late Archaic. Ceramic cooking vessels, which were invented during the Late Archaic, became sturdier with the substitution of sand and grit temper for the vegetable fiber that had been used previously. Pots were also more elaborately decorated, with surfaces bearing the impressions of fabric-wrapped or simple carved wooden paddles. 
Settlements may have become somewhat more permanent during the Early Woodland subperiod. Excavations at a few sites have revealed evidence of relatively substantial structures that were generally circular to oval in form. However, settlements from this time were generally small and may have been inhabited only on a seasonal basis. The largest villages probably housed no more than fifty people. 
The reliance on horticulture probably increased during the Early Woodland, although the archaeological evidence for this in Georgia is currently lacking. Archaeological excavations elsewhere in the Southeast indicate that sumpweed was added to the repertoire of domesticated plants, which included goosefoot, maygrass, knotweed, and sunflower, that developed during the Late Archaic. Nuts and other wild foods, however, continued to form the bulk of the diet. 

Middle Woodland
The Middle Woodland subperiod, 300 B.C.-A.D. 600, was a time of significant social change, as evidenced by a number of distinguishable features in the archaeological record. 
Settlements appear to have become larger and more permanent. Excavations at a few sites have revealed planned villages, sometimes consisting of a circular arrangement of as many as twenty houses surrounding an open plaza area. Like those from the Early Woodland, houses from this time were typically circular. 
Corn was introduced to the southeastern United States during the Middle Woodland subperiod, although it appears sparingly in the archaeological record for Georgia and was evidently not an important dietary staple. Horticulture, however, appears to have become more important during this time. Archaeological evidence suggests that people began to grow more of the seed crops that became established during the Early Woodland and that they also began clearing forests for fields. 
The Middle Woodland subperiod witnessed an increase in ritual and ceremonialism. The earliest earthen and rock mounds in Georgia date to the Middle Woodland. Most of these are small, dome-shaped structures that served as burial repositories. A few earthen platform mounds were also constructed during this time in Georgia. These platforms probably functioned as stages for ceremonies. In some cases platform mounds may have been capped with a dome-shaped layer, presumably to ritually mark the end of their period of use. The Kolomoki site in southwestern Georgia was the largest Woodland settlement in the state and contained at least eight mounds, seven of which have been preserved. 
Excavations at a few Middle Woodland sites in Georgia have revealed evidence for participation in a loosely knit but wide-ranging trading network that has been termed the Hopewellian Interaction Sphere. Marine shell from the Gulf Coast may have been traded among Middle Woodland communities in Georgia and ultimately to the Midwest. In return, exotic stones and copper from the Midwest appear to have been traded south. In addition to shell and copper, trade items included such rocks and minerals as greenstone, chert, crystalline quartz, galena, and mica. 
Ceramic vessels also became more elaborate during the Middle Woodland subperiod. These peoples began producing a wider range of vessel forms, and their decorations became more complex. Many pots were stamped with elaborately carved wooden paddles before firing, leaving the impression of the paddle in the wet clay. The designs ranged from geometric forms to abstract representations of animals, insects, and plants. 

Late Woodland
The Late Woodland subperiod, A.D. 600-900, is perhaps the most poorly understood portion of Georgia prehistory. The available evidence suggests that some of the trends of the Early and Middle Woodland subperiods may have been reversed during this interval, while other trends may have continued or even intensified. 
One of the trends that diminished was mound construction. Earthen mounds were constructed during the Late Woodland subperiod in Georgia, but the pace of construction appears to have diminished greatly from the preceding Middle Woodland. Along with this came a decrease in the trade of exotic items. Although the exchange of marine shell may have increased during the Late Woodland in some parts of the Southeast, there is little evidence of this in Georgia. The extensive regional trade in copper, rocks, and minerals that developed during the Middle Woodland subperiod declined precipitously in Georgia and throughout most of the Southeast during the Late Woodland. 
Corn agriculture became important in many parts of the Southeast during the Late Woodland. Until recently, the archaeological evidence for this in Georgia was equivocal. Recent excavations have revealed, however, that the growing of corn may also have become prevalent in Georgia during the Late Woodland, particularly in the northern part of the state and near the end of the period. 
The appearance in the archaeological record of small triangular stone projectiles suggests that the bow and arrow may have been adopted during the Late Woodland. Previously, stone points had been hafted on spears or small darts. The use of the bow and arrow no doubt facilitated the hunting of deer and other animals. 
The bow and arrow also may have made warfare more deadly. Perhaps not by coincidence, the first fortified settlements appeared during the Late Woodland at about the same time as arrow points. Fortifications included ditches and palisades of wooden posts. With the exception of these few fortified settlements, however, Late Woodland subperiod sites are generally small, and probably included no more than twenty dwellings. Excavations have revealed both circular and square or rectangular houses. 
The increases in warfare and corn agriculture during the Late Woodland subperiod set the stage for the final period in Georgia prehistory. The Mississippian Period would be marked by a continuation and elaboration of these trends. 

3.4 	Mississippian Period
The Mississippian Period in the midwestern and southeastern United States, which lasted from about A.D. 800 to 1600, saw the development of some of the most complex societies that ever existed in North America. 
Mississippian people were horticulturalists. They grew much of their food in small gardens using simple tools like stone axes, digging sticks, and fire. Corn, beans, squash, sunflowers, goosefoot, sumpweed, and other plants were cultivated. Wild plant and animal foods were also eaten. They gathered nuts and fruits and hunted such game as deer, turkeys, and other small animals. Mississippian people also collected fish, shellfish, and turtles from rivers, streams, and ponds. 
Unlike contemporary people, Mississippian people spent much of their lives outdoors. Their houses were used mainly as shelter from inclement weather, sleeping in cold months, and storage. These were rectangular or circular pole structures; the poles were set in individual holes or in continuous trenches. Walls were made by weaving saplings and cane around the poles, and the outer surface of the walls was sometimes covered with sun-baked clay or daub. Roofs were covered with thatch, with a small hole left in the middle to allow smoke to escape. Inside the houses the hearth dominated the center of the living space. Low benches used for sleeping and storage ringed the outer walls, while short partitions sometimes divided this outer space into compartments. By today's standards Mississippian houses were quite small, ranging from twelve feet to thirty feet on a side. 
The Mississippian way of life was more than just an adaptation to the landscape-it was also a social structure. Mississippian people were organized as chiefdoms or ranked societies. Chiefdoms were a specific kind of human social organization with social ranking as a fundamental part of their structure. In ranked societies people belonged to one of two groupings, elites or commoners. Elites, who made up a relatively small percentage of chiefdom populations, had a higher social standing than commoners. 
This difference rested more on ideology than on such things as wealth or military power. For example, the Natchez of Louisiana, who were still organized as a chiefdom during the early 1700s, believed that their chief and his immediate family were descended from the sun, an important god to the Natchez. It was believed that the Natchez chief, probably like most Mississippian chiefs, could influence the supernatural world and therefore had the ability to ensure that important events like the rising of the sun, spring rains, and the fall harvest came on time. 
Because of these supernatural connections, elites received special treatment. They had larger houses and special clothing and food, and they were exempt from many of life's hard labors, like food production. The much more numerous commoners were the everyday producers of the society. They grew food, made crafts, and served as warriors and as laborers for public works projects. 
Mississippian people, who were mainly farmers, often lived close to rivers, where periodic flooding replenished soil nutrients and kept their gardens productive. They lived in small villages and hamlets that rarely had more than a few hundred residents and in some areas also lived in single-family farms scattered across the landscape. Although there was a great deal of variation across Georgia, a typical Mississippian village consisted of a central plaza, residential zone, and defensive structures. 
The plaza, located in the center of the town, served as a gathering place for many purposes, from religious to social. Houses were built around the plaza and were often arranged around small courtyards that probably served the households of several related families. Some, though not all, Mississippian villages also had defensive structures. Usually these took the form of a pole wall, known as a palisade; sometimes there was a ditch immediately outside the wall. These helped to keep unwelcome people and animals from entering the village. 
Certain Mississippian towns featured mounds. These were made from locally quarried soils and could stand as tall as 100 feet. Most were built in stages, sometimes over the course of a century or more. Although Mississippian mounds were made in various shapes, most were rectangular to oval with a flat top. These mounds were used for a variety of purposes: as platforms for buildings, as stages for religious and social activities, and as cemeteries. 
Mississippian towns containing one or more mounds served as the capitals of chiefdoms. Historical and archaeological information shows that mounds were closely associated with Mississippian chiefs. Only chiefs built their houses and placed temples to their ancestors on mounds, conducted rituals from the summits of mounds, and buried their ancestors within mounds. Linguistic evidence suggests that mounds actually may have been symbols representing the earth. By using mounds as they did, Mississippian chiefs explicitly reminded their followers of their dominance over the earthly realm. 
Some of the most impressive achievements of Mississippian people are the finely crafted objects made of stone, marine shell, pottery, and native copper. Although they do not fit the Western conception of art, these items constitute a distinct artistic tradition. Using an essentially Stone Age technology, Mississippian people created gorgets (decorative collarpieces), cups, pendants, and beads made of marine shell. Many of the cups and gorgets bear elaborate decorations. By flaking, carving, and grinding stone materials, Mississippian people created large blades, elaborate eccentrics, pipes, and effigy celts. They developed copper-working techniques to create celts, small ornaments, and large copper sheets bearing decorations like those on the gorgets and cups. This technique did not involve smelting, but instead involved the cold-hammering of native copper nuggets into thin sheets that were then shaped, cut, and embossed with designs. 
These items belong to what is known as the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex (SECC). The SECC is a set of objects and symbols usually found in ritual settings or as offerings in elite graves. Rather than being art simply for the sake of art, many of these were important ritual items or parts of elite costumes. The objects themselves, or elements of their decoration, almost certainly represent supernatural beings, mythological objects, and mythical events. Their clear association with elites shows the important role elites must have played in ritual, and it also indicates how important the supernatural world was to Mississippian elites. 
In Georgia the Mississippian Period is divided into Early, Middle, and Late subperiods. The Early Mississippian subperiod (A.D. 800-1100) was the time when the first chiefdoms developed in the state. 
During the Middle Mississippian subperiod (A.D. 1100-1350), large and powerful chiefdoms centered at imposing mound towns dominated the landscape. By far the largest and most impressive chiefdom capital at this time was the Etowah site, located in northwestern Georgia near Cartersville. 
By the Late Mississippian subperiod (A.D. 1350-1600), the large chiefdoms of the Middle Mississippian had broken apart into smaller chiefdoms whose centers were evenly distributed across Georgia's river valleys. Near the end of this period, from 1539 to 1543, Hernando de Soto and his army of Spaniards traveled through the Southeast in search of riches. Descriptions left behind by some of de Soto's men tell of powerful chiefs ruling over territories that stretched for hundreds of miles. Historical and archaeological studies have identified these as paramount chiefdoms. Paramount chiefdoms were loosely united confederacies of individual chiefdoms spread over large areas. The paramount chiefdom of Coosa, described by one de Soto chronicler, had as many as seven smaller chiefdoms, all under the influence of a powerful chief living at the town also known as Coosa. 
The Mississippian Period in Georgia was brought to an end by the increasing European presence in the Southeast. European diseases introduced by early explorers and colonists devastated native populations in some areas, and the desire for European goods and the trade in native slaves and, later, deerskins caused whole social groups to relocate closer to or farther from European settlements. The result was the collapse of native chiefdoms as their populations were reduced, their authority structures were destroyed by European trade, and their people scattered across the region. Many remnant populations came together to form historically known native groups such as the Creeks, Cherokees, and Seminoles. 

3.5 	European Contact/Historic Period 
The first European to explore the interior of what is now the state of Georgia was Hernando De Soto. In fact, De Soto entered the state on two occasions during the course of his expedition. 
Hernando De Soto was born about the year 1500 in Extremadura, Spain. As a very young man he participated in the conquest of Panama and Nicaragua, and later he played a major role in the conquest of the Incas in Peru, where he became immensely wealthy. Not content with mere riches, De Soto wanted to be socially elevated to a marquis, the equal of the Spanish conquistador Francisco Pizarro. He returned to Spain, and in 1537 Charles V granted him the right to explore and conquer La Florida, a territory whose only known borders at that time were the lower Atlantic coast and peninsular Florida. The nature and extent of the interior (present-day North America) were completely unknown at the time. 
De Soto's fleet sighted the western coast of Florida near Tampa Bay on May 25, 1539. He landed about 600 men and about 220 horses, and from there he proceeded northward to present-day Tallahassee, where he and his men spent the winter of 1539-40 in the territory of the chiefdom of Apalachee. 
On March 3, 1540, De Soto and his army departed from Apalachee and by day's end had reached just inside the southern border of what is now Georgia, a few miles south of present-day Cairo. When they reached the Flint River, they built a crude boat and ferried everyone to the western side of the river. From there they proceeded to the Chickasawhatchee Swamp, where they came to the chiefdom of Capachequi. 
After spending six days in Capachequi, they resumed traveling northeast, proceeding up the western side of the Flint River to near present-day Montezuma, where they crossed to the eastern side of the river and came to the chiefdom of Toa on March 23. After a short stay, they continued on to the northeast until they came to the Ocmulgee River. On an island in this river they found an abandoned village, where meat had been left roasting on a barbacoa, a wooden frame suspended over a wood fire-the first recorded instance of barbecue in Georgia. They proceeded upstream a few miles until they came to the chiefdom of Ichisi, whose main town is thought to have been at the Lamar mound site at present-day Macon. Because the people of Ichisi met them peacefully, De Soto ordered that a wooden cross be set atop a mound in the town, and De Soto and his men tried to explain its significance to the Indians. 
From Ichisi they proceeded northeast to the Oconee River, where they found the chiefdoms of Altamaha, Ocute, and Patofa, with the chiefdom of Ocute being paramount. From Ocute they continued eastward, crossing the Savannah River several miles north of where Augusta now lies. They continued through present-day South Carolina and North Carolina before turning northward to cross the Appalachian Mountains, entering the Tennessee Valley east of what is now Newport, Tennessee. 
Then, proceeding westward down the Tennessee Valley, they entered Georgia for the second time around July 15, 1540. On July 16 they came to the principal town of the chiefdom of Coosa at the Little Egypt archaeological site, now submerged beneath Carters Lake. Like the chief of Ocute, the chief of Coosa was a particularly powerful one, with influence over chiefdoms to the northeast as far as present-day Knoxville and Newport, Tennessee, and to the southwest as far as about Childersburg, Alabama. When De Soto and his army approached the capital town, the chief of Coosa was carried out on a palanquin borne upon the shoulders of his retainers, while other retainers walked along singing and playing flutes. 
On August 20, 1540, De Soto and his army departed from the main town of Coosa and traveled to the south, crossing the Etowah River at the town of Itaba-the Etowah Mound site-and proceeding on to the chiefdom of Ulibahali at present-day Rome. They continued down the Coosa River to another town, perhaps Apica, possibly located at the King site in Foster's Bend. On September 5, 1540, they crossed into what is now the state of Alabama. 
The expedition continued westward for another three years. During this time about half of the original army were killed by Indians or died of various causes, as did De Soto himself. 
The initial European exploration of Georgia was carried out in large part by Spaniards, first operating out of colonial bases in the Caribbean Sea and Mexico and later from the city of St. Augustine on the Florida coast. Between 1525 and 1646, expeditions large and small explored both the coast and the interior of Georgia, covering most of the inhabited portions of the Coastal Plain and parts of the lower Piedmont. 
In the aftermath of the De Soto expedition the Spanish crown first mounted an abortive missionary effort by Dominican priests under Fray Lu’s Cancer on the Gulf Coast of the Florida peninsula in 1549. In 1559 they launched a massive colonial venture under Trist‡n de Luna, when some 1,500 Mexican soldiers and colonists sailed from Vera Cruz to Pensacola Bay, where a hurricane destroyed most of their ships and supplies shortly after arriving. The colonists moved inland in search of food at a town called Nanipacana, but when their supplies were exhausted, in April 1560, Luna sent a detachment of 140 soldiers and 2 Dominican friars northward, backtracking along De Soto's earlier route toward the populous chiefdom of Coosa in northwest Georgia. Several of the officers were veterans of the de Soto expedition who had settled in Mexico. The detachment passed through Apica and Ulibahali before arriving at Coosa, where they spent several months. During this stay a detachment of these men accompanied the Coosa chief and warriors on a military raid against the rebellious province of Napoch’n near present-day Chattanooga, Tennessee. 
After the Luna colony failed and the colonists returned to Mexico, in 1561 Luna's replacement, Angel de Villafane, led a ship around the Florida peninsula briefly to reconnoiter the Atlantic coastline of Georgia and South Carolina. This same region soon witnessed a flurry of activity by other European explorers. In 1562 French sailors under Jean Ribault reconnoitered the coastline before establishing Charles Fort on Parris Island, South Carolina, and two years later a Cuban ship under Hernando Manrique de Rojas scoured the coast in search of the abandoned French fort, which they destroyed. That same year French ships visited the Georgia coast from RenŽ de Laudonniere's new colony at Fort Caroline near present-day Jacksonville, Florida, but it was Spanish colonists under Pedro MenŽndez de AvilŽs that completed this coastal exploration in the decades after the 1565 founding of St. Augustine, Florida. 
Although two major military expeditions under Captain Juan Pardo were dispatched into the Appalachian mountains between 1566 and 1568 from the short-lived Spanish colonial city of Santa Elena on Parris Island, Georgia's interior saw no further exploration until 1597, when two Franciscan missionaries and a soldier briefly pushed inland as far as Altamaha and Ocute near present-day Milledgeville. When Spaniards heard rumors of an overland expedition from Mexico, they sent yet another expedition to these same towns under soldier Juan de Lara in 1602, and at least five reconnaissance expeditions were dispatched into the interior Coastal Plain between 1624 and 1628, including two trips under Ensign Pedro de Torres that penetrated as far as central South Carolina. 
During this same period Franciscan missionaries explored other populated regions of southern Georgia, establishing missions at Utinahica near present-day Lumber City, Ibihica and Ocone near Folkston, and Cachipile and Arapaja near Valdosta by 1630. The well-documented expedition by Fray Lu’s Ger—nimo de OrŽ in late 1616 skirted the back side of the Okefenokee Swamp before descending the Altamaha River to the coast. 
The final Spanish exploratory expedition into Georgia's interior took place in the winter of 1645-46, when Florida governor Benito Ru’z de Salazar Vallecilla led a group of soldiers north from the Apalachee mission province into the villages of the unconverted Apalachicola province along the lower Chattahoochee River in southwest Georgia and eastern Alabama. Though there were sporadic visits to these villages as late as 1695, the Ru’z expedition was the last major Spanish exploratory venture into Georgia. The remaining portions of north Georgia would eventually be explored by English traders and soldiers during the late seventeenth and early eighteenth century, long before ownership of the land was acquired through treaties between 1733 and 1838. 

3.6 	Americus History
Americus, the county seat of Sumter County in southwest Georgia, is located approximately nine miles east of Plains and 150 miles south of Atlanta, in the middle of a triangle formed by Albany, Columbus, and Macon, sixteen miles west of the Flint River. The city was incorporated on December 22, 1832, and by the end of that century it had become the eighth largest city in the state. Americus reached a population of 17,013 by the end of the twentieth century, according to the 2000 U.S. census. 
In mid-July 1832 the town square was laid out and a ceremony held to name the new county seat. The town's commissioners wrote their suggestions for names on slips of paper, which were to be drawn from a hat by the son of J. W. Cobb, a superior court clerk. Before the name was drawn, Lovett B. Smith, one of the commissioners, proposed the name "Americus," which was accepted by all. 
For its first twenty years Americus was overshadowed by Danville on the Flint River. The first courthouse, constructed in 1834, was the site of two major incidents in the pioneer era. In May 1842 farmers in Sumter and several other Georgia counties, rising in revolt over foreclosures resulting from the U.S. financial crisis of 1837, prevented the public sale of farmland, kidnapped the deputy sheriff who was conducting the sale, and destroyed land records. In November 1844 a political riot broke out on the courthouse square between the Democrats and the Whigs, with serious injuries reported on both sides. 
In October 1854 the arrival of the South Western Railroad (later the Central of Georgia Railway) spelled the demise of Danville and created a population boom for Americus. Between 1850 and 1860 the number of Americus residents increased twentyfold. 
The outbreak of the Civil War (1861-65) saw Americus contribute several units to the Confederate effort. Although no fighting ever took place there, two events in 1864 caused great consternation locally. In February the arrival of Union prisoners of war at Camp Sumter, ten miles north of Americus near Andersonville, filled many with apprehension at the thought of potential escapees. On August 30, when the entire town had been converted into a massive Confederate hospital, Americus suffered the biggest fire in its history. Despite the destruction of almost the entire central business district, there was no loss of life. 
The Freedmen's School-established during Reconstruction to teach freed slaves to read and write-included among its students Elbert Head, who became the Americus's first black capitalist, philanthropist, and leader of the Republican Party. 
With the end of Reconstruction and the advent of the New South, Democrats regained political control. Both of the U.S. congressmen from southwest Georgia were Americus residents. General Philip Cook, later Georgia secretary of state, was succeeded by Charles Crisp, who became Speaker of the House. Crisp's antebellum home on Taylor Street, his longtime residence, is a historic landmark. 
The only privately capitalized railroad in Georgia history was built in 1884 by an Americus lawyer and banker, Samuel H. Hawkins. By the time his financial empire collapsed in 1893, it had become the Savannah, Americus, and Montgomery Railroad. Another banker, Moses Speer, was responsible for the erection of the Windsor Hotel in 1892. Its eclectic Victorian architecture still dominates the city skyline. 
Americus-area African American leaders at the dawn of the twentieth century included Major W. Reddick and Alfred S. Staley; Reddick was founder and president of the Americus Institute (1897-1932), where Booker T. Washington spoke in May 1908. Staley established the State Masonic Orphans Home in Americus, which was dedicated in 1903. Race relations reached their nadir in June 1913 with the uptown lynching of Will Redding for shooting the police chief, William C. Barrow. 
America's entry into World War I (1917-18) brought the construction of Souther Field in July 1918 as a U.S. Army aviation training center, just northeast of Americus. It was here, in May 1923, that Charles A. Lindbergh bought his first airplane and made his first solo flight. During World War II (1941-45), Souther Field was reactivated to train British pilots and served as a prisoner of war camp for captured German soldiers in 1944-45. 
Two additions to the Americus skyline were built by Walter Rylander in 1916 and 1921. One, which originally housed Rylander's automobile dealership, is now the headquarters of Habitat for Humanity International; the other, the Rylander Theatre, is a prime example of eclectic architecture restored to its former glory. 
Americus weathered the Great Depression and World War II with the development of many civic clubs that were instrumental in the diversification of the local economy. Industry was recruited, began operations, and was celebrated, with Miss America Neva Jane Langley leading the parade on Manufacturers Day in 1953. The mobile home industry flourished from 1957 to 1974. 
The civil rights movement brought great change to Americus. In October 1960 a federal district court order allowed students from Koinonia Farm, an interracial community southwest of Americus, to attend Americus High School. In December 1961 Martin Luther King Jr. was held in jail in Americus after being arrested in Albany. As a direct result of public antisegregation demonstrations in Americus in 1963, two Georgia laws were declared unconstitutional. 
Despite the violent demonstrations during the summer of 1965, J. R. Campbell, leader of the Sumter Movement (in which a negotiating committee was formed to reason with merchants and local governments in Sumter County to hire blacks), was able to negotiate with Mayor T. Griffin Walker. In September the police department hired its first African American officers, J. W. Jones and H. L. Williams. The peaceful integration of the Americus public schools was described in a February 1971 Look magazine article by Marshall Frady. In 1975 Lewis M. Lowe became the first black person to be elected to the city council. 
Located between two National Historic Sites and with its wealth of antebellum and Victorian architecture, Americus entered the twenty-first century with the most diversified economy in its history. The populace is served by four public schools, a private academy, South Georgia Technical College, and Georgia Southwestern State University. Agriculture constitutes 85 percent of the area's economy, the main crops being cotton, peanuts, and vegetables. 

3.7 	History of the Proposed Property
Based on analysis of the aerial photographs, a small tract near the southwestern boundary of the property was occupied by a tenant farmhouse as early as 1937. Young pecan trees are visible along the southern border of the property in the 1937 photograph.  The entire subject property appears to have been cultivated prior to 1937, with agricultural cultivation continuing until about 1968 when planted pines first appear in the aerial photography.  Between 1972 and 1988 the pine trees on the subject property appear to have been harvested (Perry, 2009).  After the trees were harvested the north 34-acre area returned to wild growth woodland.  The pecan orchard in the south 11-acre area became unused during this time.

4.0 	Research Design
This section contains a description of the objectives, methods, and expectations for the Phase I Archaeological Survey. The research design for the investigation was based on the objectives for Phase I Archaeological Surveys, as specified in the Georgia Standards and Guidelines for Archeological Surveys.
 
The objectives of the Phase I Archaeological Survey were to determine whether archaeological resources were present, and, if so, define site boundaries, and determine whether additional investigations would be necessary to determine the eligibility of the site(s) for the NRHP.

4.1 	Background Research 
In February of 2009, Robert E. Perry and Associates, Inc. conducted a Phase 1 Survey on 34 acres immediately north of the subject property. In an effort to avoid the duplication of already existing background research, data from the survey report is considered to be reliable and referred to in this section (Perry, 2009). The literature and documents review included information obtained from the NRHP, National Register Information System (NRIS), the Georgia Archaeological Site File (GASF), the National Archaeological Database (NADB), published archaeological reports within the general area of the proposed undertaking, and other historical documents, maps and aerial photographs as available. The results of literature and documents search are presented below.

A review of the NRHP, National Register Information System (NRIS) was conducted by Perry in order to determine if the site had been previously included in the NRHP. Review of the NRHP, NRIS indicated that the subject property is not listed on the NRHP. The nearest NRHP sites are located approximately 1 km to the east of the subject property in downtown Americus.

A review of the GASF was conducted by Perry in order to determine if the subject property had been previously surveyed, or if previously identified sites had been reported on the property. Since the GASF provides all data from Georgia for the NADB, the GASF review also constituted a review of the NADB. 

The review of the GASF indicated that the subject property had not been the subject of a previous archaeological survey and no previously identified archaeological sites have been recorded within the property boundary. Two archaeological sites were recorded within a one-half mile radius of the subject property during archaeological survey conducted in conjunction with the U.S. Highway 19 Road widening project.

4.2 	Archaeological Field Methods
The purpose of the Phase I archaeological field investigation was to identify potentially significant archaeological resources. A testing strategy for the 11 acre parcel was developed after a preliminary review of historic aerial maps and topographic maps.

The investigation included a pedestrian survey and the systematic excavation of 54 shovel test pits (STPs). STPs were no smaller than 30 centimeters (cm) in diameter and were excavated 10 cm into sterile subsoil when possible. Soil from the STP excavations was screened through 0.25-inch hardware cloth to ensure uniform artifact recovery. 

Due to heavy vegetation, GPS data points were not obtainable. Observations and the locations of STPs were recorded on topographic maps of the property and were logged and mapped using compass bearings. Documentation also includes notes, field forms, and digital photography.
5.0 	Survey Results
The Phase 1 Archeological Survey included both reconnaissance and subsurface testing. STPs were excavated at 30-m intervals throughout the APE (Fig. 4). In total, 54 STPs were excavated. No features and no artifacts were recovered.
5.1 	Soil Characteristics
Soils in the project area were representative of the Orangeburg loamy sand. In relatively undisturbed areas, the soil profile was characterized by three strata. Stratum I (A Horizon) reached a depth of no more than 15 cm below grade. Stratum I consists of a dark yellowish brown (10YR 3/4) loamy sand with light humus materials. Stratum II (E Horizon) was generally a yellowish brown (10YR 5/4) sand and reached a maximum depth of 42 cm. Stratum III (B Horizon) consisted of an impenetrable layer of yellowish red clay (5YR 4/6) and, on average, started at 18 - 22 cm.

Transects A - G (Fig. 4) were very consistent with the above soil profile; however, transects H - J produced shallower soils along with a change in Stratum II (E Horizon) soils to 7.5YR 4/6. This is most probably due to increased drainage as this section of the property begins to slope down to the southwest.

Figure 7:  Photo - View of Exposed Subsoil Characteristics in the North and South Side of APE

The majority of STPs that were excavated reached between 24 cm and 42 cm in depth.  Modern and historic disturbance has modified the soil profiles in areas of the APE where agriculture and erosion have severely depleted the soils.

Figure 8:  Photo - Typical Profile of Soil Test Pit (TH No. 5)

6.0 	Conclusions and Recommendations 
Previous research (Perry, 2009), soil borings (TTL, 2009), and this Phase 1 Survey demonstrate that the existence of intact cultural resources on the subject property are very low. Years of agricultural use have caused the top layers of soil to severely erode. The soil layers that would most likely contain intact cultural deposits have been reduced to less than 12cm (5 inches) and have been disturbed additionally by the growth of heavy vegetation.

It is FEMA's determination that no known historic properties will be affected by the construction of the Sumter Regional Hospital/Phoebe Sumter Medical Center. The project may proceed. 

If during the course of work, archaeological artifacts (prehistoric or historic) or human remains are discovered, the applicant shall stop work in the vicinity of the discovery and take all reasonable measures to avoid or minimize harm to the finds.  The applicant shall inform their public assistance (PA) contacts in FEMA, who will in turn contact FEMA Historic Preservation Staff. Work will not proceed until FEMA Historic Preservation Staff has completed consultation with the SHPO and Native American Tribes.

7.0 	References 
Georgia Department of Natural Resources (DNR), 1976. Physiographic Map of Georgia, William Z. Clark and Arnold C. Zisa.
http://georgiainfo.galileo.usg.edu/physiographic/physio-dist.htm

New Georgia Encyclopedia, University of Georgia, Athens, GA. 2009
http://www.georgiaencyclopedia.org/nge/Categories.jsp?path=HistoryArchaeology

USDA/NRCS. 2008. Web Soil Survey (WSS). http://websoilsurvey.nrcs.usda.gov/app/
Modified November 13, 2008. Accessed July, 2009.

Robert E. Perry & Associates, Inc. (Perry), 2009.  Report of Phase I Cultural Resources Reconnaissance of an Approximate 34-Acre Tract, Americus, Sumter County, Georgia, for TTL, Inc., March 30, 2009.

TTL, Inc., 2009.  Draft Environmental Assessment, Phoebe Sumter Hospital Medical Center Hospital Relocation Project, Americus, Sumter County, Georgia, August, 20, 2009

Exhibit A - Report of Phase I Cultural Resources Reconnaissance of an Approximate 34-Acre Tract, Robert E. Perry & Associates, Inc. Pell City, Alabama, March 30, 2009.  This report addresses potential cultural and archaeological resources contained at the north two-thirds of the proposed 45-acre New Hospital site.  Relevant sections from this report are included in the main text of the FEMA archaeologist Appendix C report for the entire 45-acre site.

Exhibit B - 
	Historic Aerial Photos - 45-Acre Site
Fig. B-1: Historical Aerial Photos (1937 & 1941)
Fig. B-2: Historical Aerial Photos (1948 & 1953)
Fig. B-3: Historical Aerial Photos (1962 & 1968)
Fig. B-4: Historical Aerial Photos (1972 & 19881)
Fig. B-5: Historical Aerial Photos (1999 & 2005)
Figure B-6: Aerial Photo with Proposed New Hospital Site Plan